Bibliography on Bihar from Anand Yang's Bazaar India

Today while surfing, I found a very useful bibliography on Bihar. This is from a well known and important contribution on Gangetic Bihar called "Bazaar India" by Anand Yang.
(Yang, Anand A. Bazaar India: Markets, Society, and the Colonial State in Bihar. Berkeley: University of California Press, c1998 1998. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft4779n9tq/). To my surprise and disbelief entire book is available on the net. Read and enjoy.


Bibliography
Archival Sources
Cambridge: Centre for South Asian Studies

P. T. Mansfield Papers
Chapra: Saran District Record Room

Saran District, Faujdari Bastas, English Correspondence, 1860–1909

Saran District Village Notes, 1893–1901 (3 vols.) (SVN, 1893 –1901)

Saran District Village Notes, 1915–21 (50 vols.) (SVN)
Hathwa, Saran District

Hathwa Raj Records
London: India Office Library and Records
(British Library)
Government of Bengal (Gob)

Behar and Benares Revenue Proceedings, 1816–22

Bengal Board of Revenue (Customs, Famine, Jurisdiction and Boundaries, Land Revenue, Miscellaneous Revenue, Scarcity and Relief) Proceedings, 1760–1858

Bengal Board of Revenue (Miscellaneous) Proceedings, 1777–1858

Bengal Board of Revenue Proceedings, 1786–1855
― 276 ―

Bengal Commercial Consultations, 1801–34

Bengal Education Proceedings, 1859–85

Bengal Financial Consultations, 1810–57

Bengal Financial (includes Agriculture, Census, Finance, License Tax, Statistics, Trade and Commerce) Proceedings, 1859–97

Bengal General Proceedings, 1859–1911

Bengal Judicial (includes Revenue Judicial; Criminal and Civil Judicial; and Criminal Judicial) Consultations, 1791–1857

Bengal Judicial (includes Police) Proceedings, 1859–1911

Bengal Military Consultations, 1800–34

Bengal Municipal (includes Sanitation) Proceedings, 1873–1911

Bengal Police Proceedings, 1873–85

Bengal Political Consultations, 1789–1852

Bengal Public Consultations, 1757–1858

Bengal Public Works Consultations, 1855–58

Bengal Public Works Proceedings, 1859–1911

Bengal Railway Proceedings, 1859–1911

Bengal Revenue Consultations, 1773–1858

Bengal Revenue Consultations (Customs, Grain, Mint, Opium, Salt, Sayer), 1791–1859

Bengal Sanitation Proceedings, 1866–88

Bengal Scarcity and Relief Proceedings, 1873–77

Bengal Separate Consultations, 1819–52

Bengal Statistics Proceedings, 1868– 1911

Bengal Sudder Dewanny Adawlut Proceedings, 1773–74; 1793– 1801

Calcutta Committee of Revenue Proceedings, 1771–85

Patna Factory Records (PFR), 1620–1779
Government of Bihar and Orissa (Gob&O)

Bihar and Orissa General Proceedings, 1912– 26

Bihar and Orissa Judicial Proceedings, 1912–26

Bihar and Orissa Political Proceedings, 1912–26

Bihar and Orissa Revenue Proceedings, 1912–26
Government of India (Goi)

Home Miscellaneous Series

L/PARL., Parliamentary Branch

L/P&J, Public and Judicial
Private Papers

F. Hamilton Ms., Mss. Eur. D. 87–91, Behar and Patna
― 277 ―

Hubback Papers, Photo Eur. 152

C. E. A. W. Oldham Collection, Mss. Eur. D 167

Orme Mss., O.V. 6, 9
London: School of Oriental and African Studies Library

Famine Narratives, 1873 –74
Patna: Bihar State Archives

Patna Commissioner's (P.C.) Records

Patna Commissioner's Annual Administration Reports (AGRPD), 1871–72 to 1904–05 (variously titled "Annual General Report. . . .," "Annual General Administration Report.. .," "Miscellaneous Annual Report. . . ")

Customs

Court of Wards Bastas

Double Lock Volumes

From Collector of Bihar/Patna

From Collector of Saran

General Department

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Judicial Bastas

Loose uncataloged bastas, various years

Monthly bundles

Revenue Bastas

Champaran Collectorate (C.C.) Records

Muzaffarpur Collectorate (M.C.) Records

Saran Collectorate (S.C.) Records
Patna: Bihar and Orissa Research Society

Patna Judge-Magistrate's Records
Patna: Patna Collectorate

Patna District Village Notes, 1908–09 (PVN), 25 volumes
Patna: Private Papers

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Rohatgi Papers
― 278 ―
Nonarchival Sources
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District Census Reports , 1891 , Patna Division . Calcutta: n.p., 1898.

Kerr, J. H. Final Report on the Survey and Settlement Operations in the Saran District , 1893 to 1901 . Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1903 (SSR) .

O'Malley, L. S. S. Bengal District Gazetteers , Darbhanga . Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1907 (DDG) .

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——— . Bengal District Gazetteers: Saran . Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1908 (SDG 1908) .

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Selections from the Records of the Bengal Government , no. 24, Correspondence Relating to the Ferry Funds in the Lower Provinces . Calcutta: Military Orphan Press, 1856.

Tanner, E. L. Final Report on the Survey and Settlement Operations in the District of Gaya (1911-1918) . Patna: Government Printing, 1919 (GSR) .
Government of Bihar and Orissa (Gob&O)

The Bihar and Orissa Provincial Banking Enquiry Committee , 1929-30 . 3 vols. Patna: Government Printing, 1930.

Gupta, Phanindra Nath. Final Report on the Survey and Settlement Operations (Revision) in the District of Saran , 1915 to 1921 . Patna: Government Printing, 1923 (SRR) .

James, J. F. W. Final Report on the Survey and Settlement Operations in the District of Patna (1907-1912) . Patna: B & O Government Press, 1914 (PSR) .

Middleton, A. P. Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers: Saran . Patna: Government Printing, 1930 (SDG 1930) .
― 279 ―

The Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements in Bihar and Orissa (Secret). Patna: Government Printing, 1925.

O' Malley, L. S. S. Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers , Patna . Rev. ed. by J. F. W. James. Patna: Bihar and Orissa Government Printing, 1924 (PDG 1924) .

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Selections from Speeches , Activities of Volunteers , Etc ., during the Past Six Months in Bihar and Orissa . Patna: Government Printing, 1922.

Stephenson-Moore, C. J. 1922. Final Report on the Survey and Settlement Operations in the Muzaffarpur District , 1892 to 1899 . Patna: Government Printing, 1922 (MSR) .

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Government of Bihar

Kumar, N. Bihar District Gazetteers , Patna . Patna: Government of Bihar, 1970. Report on the Live-Stock Census of Bihar for the Year 1940 (Confidential). Patna: Government Printing, 1942.

Roy Chaudhury, P. C. Bihar District Gazetteers , Champaran . Patna: Secretariat Press, 1960 (CDG 1960) .

———. Bihar District Gazetteers , Palamau . Patna: Secretariat Press, 1961.

———. Bihar District Gazetteers , Purnea . Patna: Secretariat Press, 1963.
Government of India (Goi)

Agricultural Marketing in India: Report on Fairs , Markets , and Produce Exchanges in India . Delhi: GOI Press, 1943.

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Prasad, S. D. Census of India , vol. 4, part 9 , Census Atlas of Bihar . Delhi: 1968.

——— . Census of India , 1961 , vol. 4, Bihar , Part 7-b, Fairs and Festivals of Bihar . Purnea: n.p., 1971.

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― 280 ―
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———. Notes on the District of Gaya . Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1893.

Hunter, W.W. A Statistical Account of Bengal , vol. 11, Districts of Patna and Saran . London: Trubner and Co., 1877.

———. A Statistical Account of Bengal , vol. 12, Districts of Gaya and Shahabad . London: Trubner and Co., 1877.

———. A Statistical Account of Bengal , vol. 3 , Districts of Tirhut and Champaran . London: Trubner and Co., 1877.

Jameson, James. Report on the Epidemick Cholera Morbus . Calcutta: A. G. Balfour, 1820.

Rankine, Robert. Notes on the Medical Topography of the District of Saran . Calcutta: Military Orphan Press, 1839.

Thuiller, H. E. L. Statistics of the District of Patna . Calcutta: n.p., 1847.

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Wyatt, Alexander. Geographical and Statistical Report of the District of Tirhoot . Calcutta: Calcutta Gazette Office, 1854.

———. Statistics of the District of Sarun Consisting of Sircars Sarun and Chumparun . Calcutta: Military Orphan Press, 1847(?).
Contemporary Works

Abbott, Harry E. Sonepore Reminiscences (Years 1840-1896) . Calcutta: Star Press, 1896.

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———. An Account of the District of Shahabad in 1812-13 . 2 vols. Patna: Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 1934.

———. An Account of the Districts of Bihar and Patna in 1811 - 1812 . Patna: Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 1928.

———. Journal of Francis Buchanan Kept during the Survey of the District of Bhagalpur in 1810-1811 . Edited by C. E. A. W. Oldham. Patna: Government Printing, 1930.
― 281 ―

———. Journal of Francis Buchanan (afterwards Hamilton) Kept during the Survey of the Districts of Patna and Gaya in 1811-12 . Edited by V. H. Jackson. Patna: Government Printing, 1925.

———. Journal of Francis Buchanan Kept during the Survey of the District of Shahabad in 1812-1813 . Edited by C. E. A. W. Oldham. Patna: Government Printing, 1926.

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― 282 ―

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Interview with Krishna Chandra, Patna City, June 1984.

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― 283 ―

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― 284 ―

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― 285 ―

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― 286 ―

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― 287 ―

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a colonial document on Patpargunj, Delhi

"Final Report of the Delhi Town Planning Committee: Regarding the Selected
Site with Plan and Two Maps", Presented to Both Houses of Parliament by
Command of His Majesty, London, Published by His Majesty's Stationary
Office, 1913. This is available in National Archives Library, Delhi.
The contents are
1. Preliminary
2.A Special Report on the North Site
3. Principles to be kept in view
4.Description of the South Site
5. Description of the Lay-Out
6. Recommendations in Regard to the Treatment of Special Points
I. Water Supply and Irrigation
II. Storm Water Drainage
III. Sewage System and Refuge Destruction
IV. Communication
a. Railways
b. Roads, Their Construction and Surfaces
c. Tramways
d. Diversion of Traffic
e. Thorough Traffic Routes
V. Parks and Open Spaces
VI. Arboriculture
VII. River Treatment and Water Effect
VIII. Develpment and Control
7. The Newly Appointed Committee Who Will Carry Out the Construction
8. Maps and Plans
9. The Help Which Committee has Received"

As it is clear from the title ( Final Report)the report mentions a "sperate
report on town planning" . I will try to find out this report as it is of
vital significance for any study of modern Delhi. Would be very thankfull
if any of you provide clue.
I did not find much time to go through this final report but let me cite
something interesting from it. It is about a locality, Patparganj.

" ... In paragraph 10 of their report the committee ( on the town planning
of the new imperial capital) recommended the acquisition of the suburb of
Patparganj, and in a tentative lay-out, which they put forward, it was
condemned for demolition. On the receipt of the estimates of the land
acquisition officer it was deiscovered that this suburb, although
admittedly of poor character and appearance and insanitary, contained
15,000 inhabitants and was valued at a very large sum. This discovery
raised serious complications; and the committee were informed that the
Government of India did not see their way to sanction its immediate
demolition. It was held that it would be easier to deal with this area by
including it in a general scheme for the improvement of the present city,
the expenditure being spread over a number of years. The Committee were
accordingly instructed to consider the possibility of aliging the main axis
of their lay-out in a more easterly direction.
The Committee realise that the compulsory removal of great masses of
population is difficult matter requiring much care and tact; but they
received with regret the news that Patparganj must remain for the present.
It is today a poor class property; but occupies such an advantageous
position that it must rise in value".

an archive of images

This is a very good site/ archive of images for those interested in the
recent controversy over cartoons of Mohammed. The site contains not just
contemporary images but also book illustrations, medieval and
renaissance images, islamic depictions of muhmmad etc.
http://www.zombietime.com/mohammed_image_archive/

You can also read an interview with *Jyllands-Posten Editor-in-chief
Carsten Juste* by visiting at,

http://www.jp.dk/udland/artikel:aid=3544978:fid=11328/

Those who wish to explore more can read a very good article by one of
the leading western scholars on Islam, G.S.Hodgson, 'Islam and Image',
"History of Religions", Vol.3, no.2, winter1964.

Giorgio Agamben on unsayability of Auschwitz

Let me share a fragment from Giorgio Agemben's "Remnants of Auschwitz:
The Witness and the Archive ( tr. Daniel Heler-Roazen, Zone Books2002.
pp: 155-157.

4.9 As we have seen, Foucault defines the difference between modern
biopower and the soverign power of the old territorial state through the
crossing of two symmetrical formulae: To make die and to let live( in
italics) summerizes the procedure of old soveriegn power which exerts
itself above all as the right to koll; 'to make live and to let die' is,
instead, the insignia of biopower, which has its primary objective to
transform the care of life and the biological as such into the concern
of State power.
In the light of the preceding reflections, a third formula can be said
to insinuate itself between the otehr two, a formula that defines the
most specific trait of twentieth -century biopolitics: no longer either
'to make die or to make live', but to 'make survive'. The decisive
activity of biopower in our time consists in the production not of life
or death, but rather of a mutable and virtually infinite survival. In
every case, it is a matter of dividing animal life from organic life,
the human from the inhuman, the witness from the 'Muselmann', conscious
life from vegetative life maintained functional through resuscitation
techniques, until a threshold is reached: an essentially mobile
threshold that, like the borders of geopolitics, moves according to the
progress of scientific and political technologies. Biopower's supreme
articulation is to produce, in a human body, the absolute seperation of
the living being and the speaking being, 'zoe' and 'bios', the inhuman
and the human-- survival.
This is why in the camp, the 'Muselmann'-- like the body of the
overcomatose person and the neomart attached to life support systems
today--not only shows efficacy of biopower, but also reveals its secret
cipher, so to speak its 'arcanum'. In his 'De arcanis rerum publicarum'
(1605), Clapmar distinuished in the structure of power between a visible
face 'jus imperii') and a hidden face ('arcanum', which he claims
derives from 'arca', jewel casket or cofer). In contemporary
biopolitics, survival is the point in which the two faces coincide, in
which the 'arcanum imperii' comes to light as such. This is why it
remains, as it were invisible in its very exposure, all the more hidden
for showing itself as such. In the 'Muselmann' biopower sought to
produce its final secret: a survival seperated from every possibility of
testimony, a kind of absolute biopolitical substance that, in its
isolation, allows for the attribution of demographic, ethnic, antional,
and political identity. If, in the jargon of Nazi bureaucracy, whoever
participated in the "Final Solution" was called a 'Geheimnistrager', a
keeper of secrets, the 'Muselmann' is the absolute unwitnessable,
invisible ark of biopower. Invisible because empty, because the
'Muselmann' is nothing other than the 'volkloser Raum', the space empty
of people at the center of the camp that, in seperating all life from
itself, amrks the point in which the citizen passes into the
'Staatsanghorige' of non-Aryan descent, the non-Aryan into the Jew, the
Jew into the deportee and, finally, the deported Jew beyond himself into
the 'Muselmann', that is, into a bare, unassignable and unwitnessable life.
This is why those who assert the unsayability of auschwitz today should
be more cautious in their statements. If they mean to say that auschwitz
was a unique event in the face of which the witness must in some way
submit his every word to the etst of an impossibility of speaking, they
are right. But, if joining uniquiness to unsayability, they transform
Auschwitz into a reality absolutely seperated from language, if they
break the tie between an impossibility and a possibility of speaking
that, in the 'Muselmann', constitutes testimony, then they unconsciously
repeat the Nazis' gesture: they are in secret solidarity with the
'arcanum imperii'. Their silence threatens to repeats the SS's scronful
warning to the inhabitants of the camp, which Levi transcribes at the
very start of 'The Drowned and the Saved':
However the war may end, we have won the war against you; none of you
will be left to bear witness, but even if someone were to survive, the
world will not believe him. There will perhaps be suspicions,
discussions, research by historians, but there will be no certainties,
because we will destroy the evidence together with you. And even if some
proof should remain and some of you survive, people will say that the
events you describe are too monstrous to be believed... We will be the
ones to dictate the history of the Lagers( Levi 1989: 11-12)

In this citation words in italics are placed within single inverted
comas. This is as the mail is in plain text format. Earlier in the
book, Agamben has engaged in detain manner with categories mentioned
here i.e. animal life and organic life, human and the inhuman, the
witness from the Muselmann' etc or teh concepts i.e. the 'Muselmann'
occupying empty center space of the camp.
I Hope this fragment will make some sense to readers.

bharatmata on the walls of a primary school

While on a study field trip in Bangalore I came across this image of Bhartamata, within a map of India painted on the wall of a primary school near Bellandur Lake.
The number written on the both sides of the map, the colourful pictures of leaders and flowers and birds all make it an interesting image. Also see the contrast in image producing technology between these images on the walls of thsi primary school and signboard, hardly at 200 mtrs, of this lake.

taswirwalah:What Pictures Want?

This image of an image vendor was taken in 2005 in Shivajinagar, Bangalore.

“Marcovaldo or the Seasons In the City” : Italo Calvino

“This Marcovaldo possessed an eye ill suited to city life: bill boards, traffic lights, shop windows, neon signs, posters, no matter how carefully devised to catch the attention, never arrested his gaze, which might have been running over the desert sands. Instead, he would never miss a leaf yellowing on a branch, a feather trapped by a roof- tile; there was no horse fly on a hose’s back, no worm-hole in a plank, or fig-peel squashed on this sidewalk that Marcovaldo did not remark and ponder over, discovering the changes of season, the yearning of his heart and the woes of his existence.”

Shahar Ke Nissan: field diary

This is a project done jointly by Sadan Jha and Prabhas Ranjan. The project was awarded Independent Research Fellowship by Sarai, CSDS. Below is an entry from the field-diary of Prabhas written in 2003.

Most of the painters, our respondents, perceived us as some kind of surveyor even when we repeatedly tried to convince them that we are not doing any survey and are researching on painters’ life. This perception structured their responses as a polemic against the government ban. Some of them even asked us to convey the message to the government that ‘this ban should be abolished’.

The painters are not a homogenious lot. The nature and demands of the painting sites have made subdivisions in the ‘painting line’, though a person may switch over to one or other as a part time job. A painter who stays at the shop deals in signboards, hoardings ( outlawed now but political hoardings are made). Banners, nameplates. He may also take up glowsigns, print sign, print banner cast letter signboard assignments. AS an average customer does not know where to get these things. Even after getting them he would need someone to fix it. And, in this manner, painters easily fit into the job.

In the case of signboards, the board is made by some of the painters themselves. They buy sheet and wood and get salaried carpenters to frame them. We could not get the actual cost of the board, but it is sold to other painters for Rs.6 to Rs. 18 per sq.feet, depending on the gauge of the sheet. The painter on the other hand sells the painted board to the customer for Rs.12 to Rs. 35. per sq. feet. He uses local made paint for painting ‘ground’(background) that comes for Rs. 90/litre. He writes on it with Asian or Burger paint. Before writing setting ( graphing ) is drawn with the help of chalk and thread. The cost of Asian and Burger paint is Rs.115 to Rs.120/litre.

Rising competition has affected the quality of painted sign boards. With the rate fixed between Rs. 12 to Rs.15 the sheet used is of low gauge. That affects their durability and overall impression in the market.

In summer season it takes one day to complete a sign board. But it does not mean that it needs to be worked on for the whole day. After painting ground ( two rounds with some gap in time) it takes a few more hours to dry.

After it gets dried up, an hour or two is sufficient for writing . However, in the winter or in the rainy season, it takes four days to complete a board.

In comparision to painted board, the printed board is sold around Rs. 30 to Rs.35 / sq feet. A glow light board, the type on which sticker is sticked over plastic board is sold for around Rs. 150 / sq.feet. The price varies with the quality of the plastic. The thinner the plastic the higher is its price. The other type of the glowsign in which non-breakable plastics is used and the whole message is printed on the board itself and sold for Rs. 200 to Rs. 250 / sq feet. However, no painter talked about the actual cost of the printed /glow sign boards. They even do not tell us where from they get the sheets. Perhaps it is one of the closely guarded secrets.

Banner writing is the most paying job. Hence it is here the government policy pinches the most. A written khaki thread banner, that costs around Rs. 10 / sq meter.

ONE BILLION INDIANS: ROADS AHEAD CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES?

This write up on population was written way back probably in 1999-2000 and was awarded with special prize in a essay competition.

"With relief, with humiliation, with terror, he realized that he too, was but appearance, that another man was dreaming him." Jorge Luis Borges, "The Circular Ruins"(italics mine).

The face of the nation with another billion 'dreams'!

The relief comes from 'the faith' on human capital; 'the humiliation' because the Bible says that we all are product of a sin… And we all are carrying the guilt of our own existence with another billion guilts. 'The terror' comes from the demographic and statistical facts. The challenges and opportunities oscillate between the immediate past and future.

Gandhi, the Mahatma, once wrote, "A nation is happy that has no history". Is it a denial of demographic data? Is it a mere reminder of our own guilt (essentially a male guilt)? However, this is not an attempt to fix the guilt of a nation. Nevertheless, this is also an exercise in understanding the development of a nation. This is ethnography of a future nation.
In an age marked by the 'end of history', 'end of ideology' and the 'end of man', a UNDP Human Development Report1999, invests its optimism in the simple but powerful fact: "the real wealth of a nation is its people". Thus, begins the story.

India in a new millennium with a billion heads. Economists explain it in various ways. They coin technical terms and theoretical models to assess a nation's growth potentiality. Some say that 'head counting' matters. They establish 'tight statistical' link between development indicators and fertility rate. For them facts and figures are sacred. For others, it's altogether a different story.
India will cross the one billion mark on May 11,2000. For the demographers of the world, the D' day was the October 12,1999 as the world population was expected to have crossed the six billion mark on that day. The State of the World Population Report1999 ('6 Billion: A time For Choice', UNFPA) reminds that more than 95 per cent of the population growth takes place in the developing countries-- a significant one of which is India. The Report tells us that the United States is the only industrialized country that still registers significant increases in population and that is, largely as a result of immigration. In the context of India and third world countries, 'the Report' points us to the worst reproductive health, the highest rate of maternal mortality and lowest implementation rates for family planning methods-- generally under 15 per cent, a level which average developed country had reached by 1969.

Neo-Malthusian economists say that population explosion, as it exists in the countries like India, is an inevitable result of the uncontrolled reproductive behavior of human being. The theory of demographic transition rejects this view. It asserts that population explosion is a transitory phenomenon that occurs in the second stage of demographic transition, due to a rapid fall in the mortality rate without a corresponding fall in the birth rate. This school argues that presently India is in this second stage of demographic transition and is thus encountering a 'population explosion'. The 'population explosion' is both cause and consequence of the underdevelopment. However, this smooth equation between demography and development has its own shortcomings. Kuznetsian growth model with its faith on an inverse U-shaped relation between growth and inequality of income remains no more relevant. Mahabubul Haq's Human Development Reports have brought the 'Human Capital' in the center stage of the discourse of development. With this paradigm shift one has every reason to put her optimism in the great Indian reservoir of human resource.
The first world has always been very fearful of this vast reservoir. The cheap cost of human labour in India reduces the overall production cost of a commodity. In a global village of today this is not a minor threat. However, this is not a place to go into finer aspects of this discourse. We shall have to return to the harsh realities of India in new world order.

The World Development Report 1999/2000 put forward the idea that as nations and peoples enter the 21^st century they will be confronted with the twin forces of globalization and localization. While the former is a supernational phenomenon with political overtones, later is a subnational phenomenon with economic implication. In order to cope with the global challenges solutions have to be found at local level; but apart from local insights, national and supernational insights and resources will be required to deal with them. Infrastructural inadequacy--housing, water and sanitation, primary education and health are some of the areas of prime importance for them. Opportunity awaits at the grass root level. We can transform challenges into opportunity only through identifying that part of human capital, which has been left at the margins of the development discourse. What we need is not the recovery of this 'body' but the 'voice' of this 'other'. We need to re-define this 'other' of nation.

This questioning leads us to the politico-ethical context of the relation between freedom, democracy, population and growth. In Senomics (economics of Amartya Sen) freedom is not simply the freedom to choose, but freedom from certain removable constraints on the functioning of human beings. We have to locate this freedom in the life of this marginalized, suppressed and dominated section of Indian society. There exists a wide gulf between the textual narrative of democracy and the actual narratives of the freedom of choice. We cant judge the state of Indian development from metropolitan perspective, what matters more is the life and thinking of the subaltern housewives and Mallahs and Mushars. Is it not ironical that the Mallahs (The traditional fisherfolks of Bihar), the Mushars and other belonging to the poorer sections of the society work as labourers in the ponds supposedly owned by them? Somni Devi, a women agricultural worker of Sohari Brahamotar village in Lakhnaur block of Madhubani district (Bihar) tells, "We survive on wages earned as workers or depend on fishing for a livelihood. The male members of our community have migrated to Punjab, Haryana and Delhi."

In this age, writes the UNDP Report 1999, " the collapse of space, time and borders may be creating a global village but not everyone can be a citizen. The global professional elite faces low borders, but billions of other find borders as high as ever".

Mallahs and Mushars are the witnesses of these internal borders. However, the future is not as dark as we often assume. For the first time in Bihar, reports 'The Frontline', ' a major initiative involving fisherwomen (Mallahins) was made possible last year in Riyam, a village in Jhanjharpur block of Madhubani district. Led by Gangia Devi, the women, who are traditionally engaged in making fishing nets and selling fish, stormed the male domain by casting the net themselves.'

This challenge to domination also generates opportunities for future development.

Amartya Sen points out, "ultimately, the focus has to be on what life we lead and, what we can or cannot do, can or cannot be." The grand strategy is to go back to basics. Statistical data deceive us completely. Mere presence of number doesn't change the situation much. The 1999 World Survey on 'Globalization, Gender and Work' dispels the notion that the presence of a larger number in the labour market indicates the general well being of women; rather, it emphatically states that only some women have been able to break in to better jobs that were previously dominated by men. The position of women's well being is closely linked with the problem of fertility, demography and development.

The problems are too many and too technical. Female infanticide has given way to female foeticide. Amniocentesis (the sampling of the amniotic fluid during the pregnancy by the insertion of a hollow needle into the uterus, which can also serve as a sex determination test.) is a terror for the thinkers of sustainable population growth. The government has passed the Pre-Natal Diagnostics (regulation and prevention of misuse) Act in 1994. The chapter III section5 (2) states, " No person conducting [pre-natal diagnostic procedures shall communicate… the sex of foetus by words, signs or in any other manner." However, again passing a law and administering it are two entirely different parts of the game. The scale of damage, whether physical, demographic, economic, environmental or political, is always socially determined. Here, the social status of 'second sex' becomes very crucial.

Lack of knowledge of their bodies and the processes that lead to conception is a major obstacle to women taking control of their fertility. Few girls know about their sexual intercourse until they experience it. Few realize that it may result in pregnancy until it actually does. The experience of Savitri, a lower class 'mother', narrates, "Before marriage I did not know how children could be conceived. When my brother got married, I knew that he and bhabhi would sleep together in a room, but I did not know that kids are conceived by doing such "deeds". When I began vomiting after my marriage my sasur got me medicines…I don’t know if my sasur understood…Only when everyone started saying "Give birth to a son" did I know that I had conceived."
Women's consciousness, however, is changing and they often want for their daughters what they could not attain themselves. The spread of primary and female education has played a great role in this regard. Kerala is an ideal case.
Kerala has in fact outsmarted even China as far as female education and fertility rate go. While the fertility rate in China fell from 2.8 to 2.0 between1979 (when the 'one child policy' and other coercive measures were instituted) and 1991, it fell from 3.0 to 1.8 in the same period in Kerala. The later has kept its lead over China both in female education and in fertility decline (by the middle of the Nineties, Kerala's fertility rate fell to 1.7 and China's to about 1.9). This shows the power of democracy over coercion. Economics of a nation is determined by the politics of 'social choice'.

Freedom of choice dominating over coercion, fertility rate as a social fact, relation between primary female education, demography and development, and the human capital of the nation, external threats, internal social hierarchy and the future of a nation ---topics and subtopics are too many. Different faces of the nation narrate different stories of development. One Billion faces, one Billion stories, More than one Billion opportunities. However, what matters is the narrator and perspective. The ethnography of a nation's future must deconstruct the silences of the nation. Each head counts, each one constructs its own circle of silence. One Billion circles, one Billion silences, one Billion voice…

Narratives of the nation continue.

a book on culture of listening

Those who are interested in the culture of listening here is a book
(unfortunately) in German. Below is about the book ( publisher's
version) sent to me by the author.
Max Ackermann: Die Kultur des Hörens
"The Culture of Hearing and Listening "

What do we know about hearing - and listening?
Our perception is not only related to biology and medicine, but perhaps
history might show how much and in which way it is also influenced by
culture and media.
How do perception and fiction interact? How do imaginary and real
perceptions co-respond? Which parts do "mentality of perception" and
"ideology of perception" play?
How do we listen to each other and to the world? – One speaks of media
development, history of literature and philosophy. This evolution tells
of the significance of the spoken word, of the sense of timing and
voices, of eloquence and culture of conversation, of musical religion
and the aestheticism of sounds, about poem singers and minstrels, of the
joy and phobia of noise, of longing to listen and the assessment of
sounds. The honored book presented here is – in german language - what
comes closest to a culture history of hearing and listening.

How did people experience the hearing and listening before us and does
our behavior differ in our time? – Before a wide panorama of time and
knowledge the author develops his theories about the adaptability of the
senses. Especially the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate the power of
historical breaks and suspensions. This forms us profoundly, - even
until now.

-

Ackermann writes about history of thought in the manner of a media and
literature scientist. Therefore, he uses texts from the beginning of the
20th century, from the primetime of the classical modern and from the
beginning of the avantgarde. He examines in detail Marcel Proust's
"Remembrance of Things Past (À la recherche du temps perdu)" and gives
surprising interpretations of European literature - from Conrad to
Woolf; from Kafka to Rilke.

Ackermann, Max: Die Kultur des Hörens. Wahrnehmung und Fiktion. Texte
vom Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. Haßfurt; Nürnberg: Institut für
Alltagskultur/ Hans Falkenberg Verlag 2003 (Vorher: Phil.-Diss, Univ.
Erlangen-Nürnberg 1998). - Seitenzahl: 520 Seiten - Format: 19,6 cm
Breite x 26, 8 cm Höhe x 3,8 cm Tiefe - Verarbeitung: Fadenheftung,
Hardcover, altersbeständiges, chlorfreies Papier - ISBN 3-927332-20-8 -
Ladenpreis: 42,80 Euro

return

Blogspot has been shifted to blogger.com. I was having difficulties in making posting on this new platform. In fact, today with the help of a tech friend I have been able to make posting on this list. Now, I hope I will be regular with my ramblings.

khayalat

khayalat

khayalat: report on gender and visuality workshop, Cape Town 26-29 August 2004.

khayalat: report on gender and visuality workshop, Cape Town 26-29 August 2004.

www.sephis.org/pdf/genderandvisualityreport.pdf

A book review

Below is a link to a review recently written by me. This has been published in Seminar.

http://www.india-seminar.com/semframe.htm

THE INSURRECTION OF LITTLE SELVES: The Crisis of Secular-Nationalism in India by Aditya Nigam. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006.

IN the last two decades, academicians as well as public intellectuals have made important interventions in the debate on secularism. The book under review is a welcome and refreshing contribution to this debate. In the very first line, the book makes its object clear – an exploration of the ‘entity’ called ‘secular-nationalism’. It further claims, ‘As the ruling ideology of the postcolonial Indian state and elite, it (‘secular-nationalism’) represents a specific, historically constituted, ideological configuration.’ Refreshingly, the rest of the book does not confine itself to defining this construct (or track its historical roots in conventional manner) and instead opens it up at its specific genealogical moments, mobilizes a wide range of political thought and anchors on the scrutiny of the construct of ‘modern unmarked abstract citizen’. The idea of this unmarked individuated abstract citizenry (a dream of modern democracies) is interrogated by rupturing it with the Foucauldian expression, ‘insurrection of little selves’.

In this project, the author focuses on 1980s and early to mid-1990s and a wide spectrum of activities these decades witnessed, threatening the project of nationhood in India. These are lower caste movements (including the Dalit movement), ecological movements, women’s struggles, eruption of ‘subnational’ assertions like the issue of Khalistan and Assamese nationalism (absence of a full length discussion on Jammu and Kashmir is striking in this context) and so on. The term used in this context is ‘infra-nationalism’ which should be understood as different from ‘subnationalism’ in that they need not ever express themselves in the desire for another nation... but they nevertheless insist on redrawing the internal cultural boundaries of the nation-in-the-making.’ Avoiding existing currencies like ‘identity politics’ or ‘class politics’, the politics of this period is described as an insurrection of little selves. Another thematic focused on in this study are locations, concerns and perspectives of Muslims and Dalits in this discourse.

With these two threads, the author moves up and down in colonial as well as post-colonial periods, draws comparative insights from the South African context and engages with liberal, Marxist as well as post-colonial thinkers from across the globe. Venturing across the colonial times, he argues that ‘the project of Indian nationalism was an impossible one, precisely because it was impossible to have one common history.’ It can of course be argued here that no matter how flawed the nationalist legacies, for a large section of the population the nation was ‘imagined’ as one community. Nevertheless, unlike what is argued by western theorists, in India, the heritage of these legacies was not predicated on ‘a past of common memories and common amnesia’ but on a contested ensemble of often mutually conflicting and heterogeneous memories and forgetfulness.

To puncture the hegemonic discourse of nationhood, the author looks ‘at the historical imaginations at work among the Dalits and the Muslims.’ In his selection of examples and narratives he remains fruitfully fragmentary, which further opens up threads and problematics rather than lead to a closure of the arguments. However, in this reading of colonial voices (of Dalits and Muslims) the agenda he sets up is ‘the question of the hegemony of one particular voice’ and not mere recovery of the many voices of Dalits and Muslims. Hence we find critical scrutiny of figures like Gandhi, Nehru, Ambedkar, Periyar, Sayyed Ahmed Khan, Muhammad Ali among others. This reader, however, was expecting more analytical space to the developments that took place in late 19th century as this period has been regarded as the foundational moment in the emergence of Indian nationalism.

Similarly, while the discussion on Muslim voices remains confined to the north Indian ruling elites, the debate on the Dalit question is based on voices from the South. This disjuncture, one can argue, is due to the lack of historical studies on the respective subjects – Muslim communities of the South and Dalit voices from the North. This analytical gap is partly filled up with references of caste associations from north India (i.e. Kayastha Sabha from colonial UP and a very detailed discussion of lower caste movements in the second half of 1970s). Here, it would not be unfair to expect more space to figures like V.P. Singh and Laloo Prasad Yadav along with a more nuanced analysis of the relation between Mandal and Mandir. On the other hand, in exploring the colonial roots, the book provides a rich understanding on a complicated relationship between Ambedkarite Dalit politics, Hinduised mainstream Congress attitudes, Hindu nationalists and, last but not least, the Hindu communalist elements.

Along with Dalits and Muslims another ‘self’ examined closely in this book is of the Indian Marxists. Pointing to the gulf between ‘high’ theory and ‘low’ practice among the secular Marxists, the author for the first time goes beyond the level of political elites and interviews local leaders, activists and party workers of CPI(M) in Bengal. On the basis of this interesting interaction he notes the immense variation of the meanings assigned to the term ‘secular’ which further points out that ‘there is an attempt in the present conjuncture to try to negotiate the rapidly changing situation.’ These discussions help highlight the disjuncture between the demand of local level politics (to actively participate in the religious life of the community) and the impositions from above to conduct political behaviour in a highly sanitized manner. As two activists put it, ‘despite party injunctions, "we have to" participate in the life of the community’ (p. 295).

These narratives and references thus calls for a scrutiny of various concepts, i.e., ‘mass man’, ‘homogeneous empty time’ of modernity (Walter Benjamin) and nation (Benedict Anderson) and demands a recognition of different temporalities and their articulation. This is particularly crucial as ‘nationalism, because it was coeval with industrial/capitalist development, was also coeval with large-scale dislocation in social terms, leading to an uprooting of communities and their insertion into a different logic of modern community-identity formation’ (p. 307). This is a helpful framework and allows substantive analytical freedom to engage with the community of Dalits who ‘represent a deep resistance to the two great artefacts of our modernity, secularism and the nation. By privileging lived experience, as for instance feminism does, it also represents a resistance to the fundamental epistemic disruption instituted by modernity, that between the subject and object’ (p. 309).

The merit of the book lies in its successful translation of this ‘lived experience’ of the concept of abstract unmarked individual citizen at theoretical levels, that too in a remarkably lucid language. On the other hand, it demonstrates how ‘lived experiences’ of the communities like Dalits, Muslims and Marxists are represented by ‘secular-nationalists’ in their own terms, not merely denying these communities a political participation in their own manner but making the very process of the (non)emergence of ‘mass man’ a unique one in Indian contexts. It is these denied voices or repressed selves that have returned in the last two decades forcing us to adopt new analytical frames. This new framework demands we move beyond the language of either state or civil society. The notion of political society (Partha Chatterjee) is helpful in this context. ‘Here the key figure,’ the author concludes, ‘is the bilingual intellectual/activist who speaks at once the language of community and that of civil society. In other words, the privileged position of the enlightened intelligentsia has to be abandoned’ (p. 325).

Sadan Jha

http://www.india-seminar.com/semframe.htm

सडक की अाँखें, शहर की कहानी ( िदवान02): sadak ki aankhain, shahar ki Kahani

Attached is a link to an article in Hindi that I wrote last year for 'deewan', a publication of Sarai,CSDS. This short essay is an attempt to narrate scopic regimes of a street in Delhi. For long, all we get in the context of Delhi is either about the old Delhi enveloped in its medieval legacies and pasts or description of localities frozen in one or another kinds of developmental discourses. This is an attempt to move away from not only these two locales but also to explore a street in non-positivist manner and to navigate different localities connected by this street. These localities are more in terms of images that people inhabit . These images are both located in physical spaces as well as terrains occupied by history and contemporariness of the city lives. Now, the article is also available on http://www.sarai.net/language/deewan/deewan02/deewan02.htm
sadan.